O u t l a w W o m a n:
A Memoir of the War Years, 1960-1975by Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz 340pp
2002
ISBN: 0-87286-390-5
Format: Trade paperback original
Price: $17.95
Page 6 ...
I know we're living in sort of a different world after
9/11. In what recent events do you see an opportunity for activists to
reclaim some of what the government seems to be stealing away?
When it first happened, I had just come back from the UN
conference on racism in Durban, South Africa. I got back the night of
September 10th and woke up to this news. All of us who were there –
50,000 activists from around the world, mostly people of color –
were so angry at the United States for walking out of the conference that
it seemed to me that we must have done it to ourselves.
I could see how people could believe in a conspiracy theory
that we must have done this ourselves. It fits so well to this administration's
advantage. What this administration and the whole right wing is trying
to do seems to be very authoritarian and police state-like, and at the
same time self-righteous. "We've been victimized." When 8,000
people died in Bhopal, India, for Union-Carbide, people did not mourn.
Why are American lives worth so much more?
I could see the writing on the wall, and I was awfully glad
that I had this book to work on. We had to delay it because nothing was
coming out in the fall. That kept me busy, but since I've been going around
reading and travelling through March and April into May, I'm finding that
the stuff that's coming out and being read, like Michael Moore's Stupid
White Men and Chomsky's 9/11, is a little inspiring. 9/11 is a best-seller
in New York even though it's never had a single review. It's from Seven
Stories Press, which is even smaller than City Lights. And then there's
Gore Vidal's book Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace and Howard Zinn's
book on terrorism – people are eating this stuff up.
When I vowed not to pussyfoot around when I give readings
but be very bold about what I think, it just opened this space for people
to have discussions. Down at Midnight Special Bookstore in Santa Monica,
I swear the reading started at seven and at midnight I couldn't get rid
of these people. We were sitting there talking and talking and talking.
It just frees them. People are afraid. I started seeing it as important
wherever I could just to break the ice and break the fear. People are
self-censoring a lot these days. You will be attacked. Some of my right-wing
colleagues at Hayward attack me when I post things on our listserv but
I think it's giving courage to some of the people who aren't speaking
out, who feel intimidated, and then I feel that this new anti-war newspaper
that we started is so much in demand.
They just can't keep enough copies in stock and it's on
the Internet. It's called War Times and it's bilingual, Spanish and English.
It's a little tabloid, and it's free. We just have to raise the money
for printing and shipping but it's very low cost. It was just an experiment
to see if this works. The third issue has just come out and it's everywhere.
People are welcome to translate it into different languages. It's not
copyrighted, just use the material for whatever they want. It has really
been encouraging to see that all over the United States. Churches and
schools are getting and using that newspaper. Its writers are all fairly
radical people. It's pretty blatant about our beliefs on the Palestinian
question and US interventionism. It was originally meant for organizers;
they thought 5,000 copies would be enough. I think the first run went
through 100,000 copies.
People like Noam and Michael Moore are drawing thousands
and thousands of people everywhere they speak. I think there's a real
hunger for this information. I think people really, really meant that
first question they asked, "Why do people hate us so much?",
and they still want to figure it out. It's just logical, you know, to
think "Well, there must be something there. They seem to hate us."
We're told all the time how loveable we are and there's a disconnection
there because people know that they're kind of loveable. Most Americans
haven't done any harm to anyone personally and certainly not to someone
in Afghanistan. It's kind of hard to make the connections when there's
such a void of knowledge and information, and because they don't know
why, they want to find out what these "terrorists'" reasons
are, even if they're not valid, what are their reasons for doing this?
I think just that natural curiosity has made people open in a way that
they haven't been in the past. I think 9/11 did blow a big hole in the
smokescreen that camouflages the United States. It's interesting how the
right-wing dissidents who are so filled with white supremacy and Christian
fundamentalism who made up a large part of the militias, these people
are not the ones who are able to pick up the slack. It's the left that's
actually able to make some explanations for this. I think it has put the
right wing in kind of a disarray.
It has. At the same time, just from working at a bookstore,
I know that you have more people coming in and asking for copies of the
Protocols of the Elders of Zion and other right-wing tracts.
That's true. In Stockton, after I had talked and read from
the book for about an hour, this one woman piped up and asked, to what
extent do you think the Illuminati were involved with this. It was a friendly
question, that's what was scary about it. I said, "Ugghh, to no extent." Then
I spent about an hour talking about this and I thought, I better remember
to bring this up next time, because people are probably assuming that 9/11
is part of these larger conspiracies like "the Protocols." That's
Pat Buchanan's message. He's a real anti-Semite. He can be talking along – he's
against intervention in Afghanistan, he's for a Palestinian state, he was
against the Gulf War and you think, "Wow, Pat really sounds good," but
underneath it all there's this rabid anti-Semitism.
The right has no problems making alliances with groups
it hates; the left often times will not do that even with groups it feels
are slightly racist or slightly sexist or anti-Semitic. I was wondering
where you thought the boundaries are.
I think there are certain principles but I do think one can
make interventions and not just toss everyone away. For instance, young
white men are really sought out by the right wing for recruitment. Trying
to seek them out and educate them about anti-war or feminist causes, and
not just throw them away just because they're more likely to be targeted
by the right, is probably a good idea. Similarly, women in the suburbs
in the Central Valley, or are one generation away from being rural, are
targeted by anti-abortion rights groups because they have certain tendencies
but that doesn't mean that the women's movement shouldn't try to attract
them. What I think we shouldn't do is pander to the prejudices that exist
within these groups but really confront them, but actually aligning with
groups that espouse white supremacy and the like, I think it's a bad idea.
They're usually very corrupt. They're usually not very spontaneous. I think
the militias were more spontaneous and had more potential, but now they're
all in disarray. White supremacists were really trying to take them over
but their initial sense came from the whole rural movement against agribusiness
coming in and taking over.
I noticed all the books behind you on Timothy McVeigh.
He's a name that's been sort or roused from the dead lately, especially
with Gore Vidal's new book.
I was very interested in McVeigh because he was not a nut.
He was an Army boy. He said very clearly that what he had against the US
government was that they made him kill people who he had no problem with,
that were not enemies. He was a tank gunner and he personally had the highest
kill rate of any single gunner. He didn't even know how many unarmed Iraqi
soldiers – the ones coming in to surrender – he killed under
orders.